2016/Heft4: Bildung und Soziale Bewegungen

Die Autoren fassen in ihrem Beitrag die wichtigsten Ergebnisse der Diskussionen des 11. Forums Bürgergesellschaft zusammen, das unter dem Titel „Bewährungsprobe für die Bürgergesellschaft – Wie kann Integration vor Ort gelingen?“ der Frage nachging, wie freiwilliges Engagement Motor für Integration und Zusammenhalt sein kann ohne dass es zu einer Überforderung der Zivilgesellschaft kommt. Es geht darum, Integration als Chance zu nutzen, die neue Offenheit für Kooperationen vor Ort zu nutzen und nicht zuletzt darum, dass die Verteidigung von Werten wie Offenheit und Toleranz an Bedeutung für die Bürgergesellschaft gewinnt. Leseberg | Quednau

In seinem Beitrag zeigt Konrad Hummel auf, worauf es beim Übergang von der akuten Krisensituation, in der viele Geflüchtete aufgenommen wurden, zu einer strategischen Integration dieser Menschen ankommt. Dabei verschiebt sich der Fokus von der Freiwilligenarbeit auf die Entwicklung funktionierender Kooperationsmuster zwischen den verschiedenen  Akteuren vor Ort. Dafür ist es nicht zuletzt notwendig gegenseitiges Vertrauen aufzubauen. Hummel

In der Flüchtlingskrise hat sich gezeigt, dass Kommunen sehr viel offener für die Kooperation mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren waren als zuvor. Das bietet die Chance, im Anschluss daran neue Formen der lokalen Governance aufzubauen. Wie dies gelingen kann, zeigt Sebastian Beck in seinem Beitrag. Beck

So positiv man die Willkommenskultur bewerten mag, die bei der Aufnahme der Geflüchteten entstanden ist: Es ist keine ausgemachte Sache, dass die offene Haltung der Bevölkerung und die neu entstandene Kooperationskultur vor Ort von Dauer sein werden und zur Integration der Geflüchteten beitragen. Roland Roth widmet sich in seinem Beitrag den kritischen Aspekten. Auch wenn viele pragmatische Lösungen gefunden wurden, zu denen vor allem die Zivilgesellschaft beigetragen hat: Die Flüchtlingsfrage als solche bleibt politisch ungelöst. Inwieweit die Integration Geflüchteter Auswirkungen auf den sozialen Zusammenhalt hat, entscheidet sich auch daran, inwieweit es gelingt, die Konfliktlinie ‚Öffnen vs. Schließen’  zu zivilisieren. Download | Roth

Karamba Diaby zeigt in seinem Beitrag auf, welche Bedeutung Bildung für die Integration hat. Dabei spielen nicht nur die klassischen Bildungsinstitutionen, die herausgefordert sind, eine Rolle, sondern auch das Lernen im freiwilligen Engagement. Diaby

Peter Kusterer plädiert in seinem Beitrag dafür, die Integration der geflüchteten Menschen als Chance für Deutschland zu sehen, unter anderem dem demografischen Wandel oder auch dem Fachkräftemangel zu begegnen. Zudem sei zunächst auch einmal anzuerkennen, dass bereits vieles geleistet worden sei. Dennoch: Es brauche weniger Prozess- und Detailverliebtheit und vielmehr klarer Strukturen und Pläne innerhalb der Kommunen, damit die Integrationsaufgabe gelingt. Kusterer

Die Aussicht auf sozialen und politischen Wandel ist ein essentieller Bestandteil für radikale intellektuelle Arbeit. Wir leben in einer Zeit, in der die Orthodoxien des Neoliberalismus mit expliziten Herausforderungen konfrontiert sind. Das ist momentan in verschiedenen Regionen Europas evident. Gleichzeitig sickert das neoliberale Projekt  in einem heimtückischen und allumfassenden Prozess durch jede Sehne, Faser und Struktur der Gesellschaft, einschließlich der Hochschule. Das bedeutet, dass die ‚relative Autonomie‘, die für kritische Arbeit gegen die dominante akademische Kultur benötigt wird, zunehmend schwerer zu erzeugen bzw. zu erhalten ist. Dieser Artikel untersucht kritisch, welche Möglichkeiten Hochschullehrende unter den gegen-wärtigen politischen Umständen haben, um – inspiriert von oder durch Teilnahme an sozialen Bewegungen  – Räume für eine radikale intellektuelle Arbeit herzustellen. Die innerhalb Europa ungleich erlebte Wirtschaftskrise hatte unterschiedlichste Auswirkungen im Feld der sozialen Bewegungen und im Feld der Bildung. Der vorliegende Artikel möchte sowohl aus theoretischer Perspektive also auch in Bezug auf Praktiken sozialer Bewegungen die Wechselwirkung zwischen beiden Bereichen untersuchen. Hochschullehrende, die sich sozialer Gerechtigkeit verpflichtet haben und – mit gemischtem Erfolg – versuchen,  durch Engagement in sozialen Bewegungen Räume für radikale Arbeit (innerhalb der Hochschullandschaft) herzustellen, haben eine lange Tradition. Dieser Artikel nimmt entsprechendes Bewegungshandeln im schottischen Kontext in den Blick, einschließlich Aktionen, an denen die Autoren selbst beteiligt sind oder waren. Diese Aktionen werden hinsichtlich ihres Beitrags für Soziale Bewegungen sowie in Hinblick auf die Schaffung von Räumen für eine radikale intellektuelle Arbeit innerhalb der neoliberal geprägten Hochschullandschaft analysiert. Download | Crowther | Scandrett

Die Flüchtlingskrise kann laut Global Risk Report 2016 als die womöglich „relevanteste“ Großkrise angesehen werden, der wir uns aktuell gegenübersehen. Auf der Grundlage unterschiedlicher Beiträge der Resilienzforschung werden fünf Komponenten  skizziert, die auf der Suche nach mehr gesellschaftlicher Widerstandsfähigkeit (Resilienz) wertvolle Impulse liefern könnten: 1) Gesellschaftliches Lernen, z.B. durch gesellschaftssegmentübergreifenden  Wissensaustausch (in- spiriert von der soziologischen Systemtheorie); 2) Bewegung zu einem „neuen Normalzustand“ (inspiriert vom „Panarchiemodell adaptiver Zyklen“); 3) durch Politiken und Formate, die besser auf komplexe und chaotische Phänomene zugeschnitten sind (inspiriert vom Cynefin-Modell); 4) individuelle Kompetenzförderung (fachlich und menschlich); 5) Resilienzkultur (inspiriert vom Akteurs-Netzwerk-Ansatz des IRS Leibniz Instituts für Regionalentwicklung und Strukturplanung). Download | Fathi

Die Autorin zeigt am Beispiel des Remer-Prozesses und kurz auch am Beispiel des Auschwitz-Prozesses, wie Generalstaatsanwalt Dr. Fritz Bauer die juristische Aufklärung der Vergangenheit als systemspezifischen Beitrag zur Demokratisierung der Gesellschaft konzipierte. Dabei wird sichtbar, wie sehr ihn seine Rechtsauffassung und seine politische Haltung zum Außenseiter in der Bundesrepublik machten. Abschließend wird die gegenwärtige Relevanz von Bauers Rechts- auffassung diskutiert. Download | Fröhlich

In particular in the German context, the relationship between education and social movements has been to a large extent ignored by scholars of education and scholars of social movements. We argue that both research traditions would benefit from drawing on each other’s perspectives and concepts. We identify individual and collective, formal and informal, intended and unintended learning processes in social movements and social movement organizations. These learning and education processes can be analysed on four levels: 1) education as focus of social movements, 2) Individual learning processes in and through social movements, 3) collective learning processes and 4) social movement organizations as learning organizations. 

Research on social movements tends to focus on external conditions to explain social movements, their emergence, development or achievements. Or they analyze attitudes and motives of individu- als. Thus the dynamics of situations, the internal spaces of collective subjects and their significance towards individual self-formation processes tend to be disregarded. How do individuals transform in social movements? The formation of reflexive individuals in social and cultural interrelations is the issue of traditional „Bildungstheorie“. This is reason enough to strengthen the relationship between „Bildungstheorie“ and social movement research on theoretical grounds and making use of the example of the Brazilian Movimento  dos Sem Terra: As learning space that enables individuation processes and the constitution of mature subjects. 

Global issues are not given priority in the German education system. Non-governmental organisations have therefore come to often act between political action and political education. It was actors from these fields who first made global and sustainability issues a topic for education outside the school system and then also influenced school learning. This article introduces the concept of global learning which was developed through the interplay of these actors and scientific approaches. Next, the role of the NGOs is discussed further. In this context, informal learning in political action as another learning dimension is examined. 

Young people dressed in navy-white  uniforms have been part of Chile‘s political landscape, even the country‘s daily political dealings, for over a decade. The pupils‘ movement gained in importance not only because it was the first massive social protest movement since the end of the military dictatorship (1973-1990), but also because it rebelled against the hitherto untouched neo-liberal and authoritarian foundations of the education system. While prior studies examined mainly the development or the socio-political impact of the movement, this article looks at the Chilenian pupils‘ movement as a space for education. On the one hand, it analyses the social awareness processes which the movement fed into society, on the other hand the learning and self-education processes that pupils underwent as part of the movement, e.g. the acquisitation of political reflection competences, argumentation, communication and mobilisation skills. The article is based on interviews with pupils as well as reports, blogs, web platforms and billboards of the movement. Periodicals, photo- and videosources are also analysed. 

In 2011, hundreds of thousands of Chilean students took to streets to demand free and better education. What started out as a protest calling for structural reforms of the education system became a series of demands for a wide range of socioeconomic and political transformations. With that, the students fundamentally called into question political power and distribution structures. The article traces how it was possible that the education protests gained such significance for Chilean society. By drawing on post-liberal approaches from democratic theory, I will argue that the students expand the political arena and thus juxtapose the character of Chilean democracy. It will be further discussed how the students construct their criticism of the education system as a society-wide problem and display the contingency of societal and political problems. 

Many social movements  run structures of education  that are thought  to replace, change or complement those of the state. These efforts are generally aimed on the one hand to provide a better access to education in the broad sense for the target group in question, on the other hand, to strengthen the social movement itself on a discursive, organizational and political level and to embed it in society. In this sense, education is an instrument of social movements. Since its beginning in the 1930s, the indigenous movement  in Ecuador built systematically its own structures of education that sought to fill the gaps left by the nation state. Those clandestine schools were increasingly accepted and integrated into state structures, leading to the creation of an autonomous state agency for intercultural bilingual education in 1988, controlled by the indigenous organizations and in function in this sense until 2009. Until then, indigenous struc- tures of education were free spaces for the movement, access to resources for their members and strategy of embedding of the organizations in the indigenous communities. At the same time, the internal structures of education of the indigenous organizations contributed decisively to their development. 

It is by now well established that social movements  take advantage of widespread access to information and communication technologies (ICTs), as well as changes in the media ecology, to amplify the voices of their communities. Yet which voices get to speak? In the United States, foreign-born, Spanish-speaking,  low-wage immigrant workers have less access to digital media tools, skills, and connectivity than any other group of people. Yet at the same time, the immigrant movement often uses digital media in innovative ways, and immigrant activists constantly work to develop a praxis of critical digital media literacy that includes their social base. In this article, I draw from a decade of participatory action research to describe how, in addition to formal ICT training through classes and workshops, informal peer-to-peer learning in immigrant friendship and family  networks advances critical digital media literacy and strengthens the immigrant movement in the U.S.A. 

Even before the uprising in January and February 2011 and the associated demise of Hosni Mubarak, independent trade unions were founded in Egypt, of which two were teachers‘ asso- ciations. Since the 1950s (under socialist President Gamal Abd El Nasser) until 2010, there was only one state trade union for teachers. It did not represent the interests of teachers, but worked towards state interests. The contribution analyses awareness- und learning processes in the Egypt teachers‘ movement  which comprised education policy as well as professional representation of interests. Different organisations are compared in terms of their approaches to professional representation of interests and their views on trade union organising. Special emphasis is placed on how these organisations confront old structures and how they are influenced by the autho- ritarian, corporatist regime that had been in place for decades. In addition to organisational competencies, important communicative skills are also examined: conflicts and contradictions can be traced down not only to the organisational level, but also concerning strategy issues. 

Based on  biographical interviews with protagonists of „Second Wave“ feminist movements in Western Germany (1960ies to 1990ies) this article suggests reconstructing interrelations of „Bildung“/ (self-)transformation(s) and social movements by way of connecting three different research perspectives in a systematic way: 1. the biographic approach highlighting individual ex- perience and subjectivity, 2. the study of (conflict) dynamics within social movements themselves which are part of (and partly constitute) the „collective experience“, and 3. epistemologies as well as processes of theory-building which are related to social movement politics, and which at the same time also provoke radical (self-)critique and transformation. The article shows in an exemplary way diverse layers or qualities of „Bildung“ in the context of social movements which can be revealed by such an interplay of perspectives. 

The authors sum up the most important outcomes of the Forum Bürgergesellschaft 2016, where experts discussed the question how civic engagement can support integration at the local level. Not only should Integration be seen as a chance and the openness for cooperation be used. It is also important to have an attitude which defends tolerance. 

Konrad Hummel shows what’s important when the focus shifts from receiving refugees to their integration. It is crucial to establish patterns  of cooperation  of different institutions, which requires mutual trust.

One can see that during the refugee crisis municipalities have been much more open to civil society than usual. So there is a chance to develop patterns of local governance, in which civil society plays a pivotal role. How this can work is shown by Sebastian Beck in this article. 

Though there was a broad welcome culture in Germany when refugees arrived, it is not clear if the open attitude and the collaborations, which evolved at the local level will hold. Roland Roth deals with the problematic aspects. Though pragmatic solutions were found in the municipalities, not at last due to civil society, the question how to deal with refugees is politically not solved. In how far social cohesion will be affected by the integration of refugees depends also on the question, in how far the political conflict between opening vs. closing borders can be civilized. 

As Karamba Diaby shows in his paper, education is most important for integration. But not only educational institutions need to step up, learning as part of civic engagement is also important. 

Peter Kusterer argues that the integration of refugees can be regarded as an opportunity chance for Germany. First one has to appreciate that pretty much was already done. But though: To solve the task of integration, less detail-orientation and more structures and plans in the muni- cipalities are needed. 

The prospects for social and political change are essential ingredients for radical intellectual work. It is our contention that we are in such a period in which the orthodoxies of neoliberalism are, in the current conjuncture, facing an explicit challenge. This is currently evident in various parts of Europe. At the same time, the neoliberal project is percolating through every sinew, tissue and structure of society, including higher education, in an insidious and all-encompassing process. This means the ‘relative autonomy’ required for critical work against the dominant academic culture is increasingly compromised yet increasingly urgent to procure. This article will critically explore the opportunities educators in higher education have in the current political conjuncture of education, for creating spaces for radical intellectual work through engagement in social movements and through taking inspiration from social movements. The economic crisis experienced unequally across Europe, has led to a diverse response through both educational provision and social movement activity. It is where these practices interact that we are interested in exploring and arguing for, both through their practice and their theoretical reflection. There is a long tradition of educators in the academy committed to social justice, creating spaces for radical work through engagement with social movements, with mixed success. This article will look at practices in the context of Scotland, some of which the authors are involved with, in order to analyse and discern its contribution to the purpose of social movements – to achieve radical change to, or at least obtain concessions within, social, political and economic relations – or, on the other hand, to the purpose of well-meaning intellectuals within the reproduction of the neoliberal academy.

According to the Global Risk Report 2016, the refugee crisis can be regarded as one of the probably „most relevant“ crises today. Based on different contributions from resilience studies, this article drafts five components which could provide valuable input in search of greater social resilience: 1) Cross-segment-social learning and exchange of knowledge (inspired by sociologi- cal systems theory); 2) evolution to a „new normal state“ (inspired by the „Panarchy model of adaptive cycles“); 3) formats and politics being more adequately geared towards complex and chaotic phenomena  (inspired by the Cynefin model); 4) individual competence development (professional and personal); 5) resilience culture (inspired by the actor-network-theory of the IRS Leibniz Institute for Regional Development and Structural Planning).

Taking trials of Remer – and, in brief, Auschwitz – as an example, the author shows how At- torney-General Dr Fritz Bauer thought legal action specifically could contribute to coming to terms with the past and to democratise society as a whole. It becomes apparent how much his view on law and his political opinions made him a pariah in the Federal Republic of Germany. In conclusion, the current relevance of Bauer‘s legal conception is discussed.